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Chairman of Bolsonaro’s right wing party sells farm to Dutch company involved in Ponzi-scheme and drugs- trafficking.

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President of Bolsonaro’s right-wing Liberal Party is a partner of the coordinator of the “Mining is Cool Movement” (Movimento Garimpo é Legal)

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Valdemar Costa Neto sold part of his farm to Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos, who represents a Dutch company, whose partners have been convicted of ponzi schemes and international drug trafficking.

By Tonsk Fialho and Alceu Luís Castilho

Chairman of the political party of Jair Bolsonaro (PL, Liberal Party), Valdemar Costa Neto is a partner at Agropecuária Patauá, a company that sells wood and conducts agricultural and livestock activities. During his third term as federal delegate, in 2000, Valdemar sold 75% of Patauá to a group of Dutch investors, Eco Brasil BV, represented by Brazilian Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos. Today, “Joni”, as he is known, works as coordinator of the “Garimpo É Legal Movement” in the state of Amazonas. He has also been a member of the Liberal Party since 2007.

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Joni, from Movimento Garimpo é Legal, with his Dutch partners. (Photo: Facebook)

In Europe (Netherlands) Eco Brasil BV acquired a stake in Valdemar’s company through its subsidiary Reflorestadora Holanda. Eco Brasil operated a financial pyramid scheme wherethrough hundreds of families were duped. A number of managers involved ended up in prison, convicted for selling misleading investment plans based on reforestation of degraded land. In Brazil, some Dutch managers of the company were accused of land grabbing and involvement in drug trafficking.

The history of the Valdemar family in the municipality of Itacoatiara (Amazonas) begins in the seventies, when Waldemar Costa Filho, the father of Valdemar Costa Neto, ventured into the Amazon rainforest in collaboration with businessperson Fumio Horii in kaolin mining (a raw material for the paper and ceramics industry). He was a compatriot and good friend of the family from Mogi das Cruzes (Sao Paulo). In the city, the current president of Bolsonaro’s party is known by the suggestive nickname “Boy”. His father was mayor of Mogi four times, and an important businessman in the transport and mining sector.

MINING COMPANY ADOPTS THE INITIALS OF VALDEMAR, THE ‘BOY’

In the sector, Valdemar followed his father’s footsteps by founding VCN Mineração in 1996, named after the initials of the then still deputy of the LP. Today, the chairman of Bolsonaro’s party is no longer part of VCN’s corporate structure, but – notwithstanding that – Valdemar Costa Neto was convicted last year in second instance for the degradation of an area equal to 28 football fields by the company, on the banks of the Tietê River, in Biritiba-Mirim, in the interior of São Paulo.

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Valdemar da Costa Neto’s partner in a Bolsonarista act. (Photo: Facebook)

One year before the death of Valdemar’s father, on February 7, 2000, the 49-hectare estate in Itacoatiara (Amazonas) was transferred to VCN Mineração. Just over two weeks later, on 25 February 2000, the delegate sold 75% of Agropecuária Patauá to Reflorestadora Holanda, which had been active in the Amazon since at least 1998.

At the time, Eco Brasil already built up a bad reputation, through its participation in the illegal logging company Eco-Brasil-Holanda-Andirá, led by the former honorary consul of the Netherlands in Pará, Gerardus Bartels. In 1999, the Dutch consul was the subject to a parliamentary commission of inquiry (CPI) in the Amazonas Legislative Assembly, on charges of circumventing the Brazilian constitution by illegally acquiring more than seventy thousand hectares of forest. In addition, about three hundred families living along the river in the region were forced to allot the entire area for logging activities.

The consul denied the allegations, claiming to be the victim of a trap by Eco Brasil BV. Convinced of selling 90% of the wood to the Dutch group, the consul would have discovered that Eco Brasil BV was in fact transferring parts of the forest to third parties. For $3,000 per hectare, interested parties could acquire an area where Eco Brasil promised to plant teak, an Asian species widely used for reforestation. Subsequently, the profits from the management activities would be shared with the investors.

Bartels fled and Eco Brasil BV began to claim a large part of the hectares occupied by the former honorary consul. In the years that followed, Eco Brasil’s sophisticated investment proposal turned out to be a financial pyramid scheme. A search for the company’s history in the Netherlands leads to online forums where some of the duped families insist on compensation and custodial sentences for those involved.

DUTCH JOURNALIST INVESTIGATES NETWORKS OF LAND GRABBING (GRILAGEM) IN AMAZONAS

About forty million euros were funneled to other companies, in addition to spendings on real estate, casinos, cars, travel, and so on. It was the pot calling the kettle black, since the speculation with the land seized by consul Gerardus Bartels was for real. Eco Brasil even created a forest capitalization plan, aimed at the rapid and fraudulent enrichment of its directors.

Details of this story were told in the pre-publication of the book “The Forest of Amazonas”, by Gio Ferrarius, a Dutch journalist. Some of those involved unsuccessfully filed summary proceedings with the Dutch court to prohibit the publication of the work. The author collaborated with De Olho nos Ruralistas to investigate Valdemar’s involvement in the Eco Brasil BV case.

<img class=”wp-image-2233″ src=”https://www.gioferrarius.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/afbeelding-met-tekst-automatisch-gegenereerde-bes-1.jpeg” alt=”Afbeelding met tekst

Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving” />Valdemar Costa Neto, the “Boy”, guarantees Bolsonaro’s campaign. (Photo: Alan Rios/Reproduction)

Valdemar Costa Neto’s real estate in Itacoatiara (Amazonas) was part of the portfolio of the Dutch company, which used Brazilian cover- entities to operate in the country. Eco Brasil did not even have a permit to operate the project, nor did it own most of the properties it claimed to possess. According to the Dutch court, the group’s illegal activities took place between 1999 and 2004, but the transfer of VCN Mineração’s property to Reflorestadora Holanda did not take place until 2005, the year of the “Mensalão” parliamentary inquiry (a major scandal involving the purchase of parliamentary votes), that culminated in the arrest of Costa Neto, currently chairman of Bolsonaro’s party.

In 2006, PJ Quak, one of the leaders of the Dutch organization, was sentenced to six years in prison in the Netherlands. Due to the legal turmoil faced by its partners, Reflorestadora Holanda and Agropecuária Patauá eventually became “dormant” companies, piling up unfinished labor- law cases and tax liabilities. In 2017. The 49-hectare area connected to Valdemar was eventually pledged due to debts of Reflorestadora Holanda to the Federal Government.

PARTNER OF “BOY” REPRESENTS DUTCH SUSPECTED OF BEING ENGAGEMENT IN INTERNATIONAL ILLEGAL TRADE

Owner of Reflorestadora Holanda and Brazilian representative of Eco Brasil BV Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos, partner of Valdemar Costa Neto, is still highly active on social media, where he posts daily messages of support for Jair Bolsonaro and keeps in regular contact with his friends in the Netherlands. In the act of incorporation of Reflorestadora Holanda the names of R. G. van den Heuvel and T. Hoegee surface as partners in the company.

Both were investigated for international drug trafficking in the Federal Police’s Operation Niva in 2011, when members of organized crime in the Balkan region, operating in cooperation with the PCC in Brazil, were arrested. Primeira Comando da Capital is Brazil’s largest criminal organization, with 20,000 members, 6,000 of whom remain in captivity. According to the Federal Police, those involved were part of a “criminal organization engaged in drug trafficking from Brazil to Europe, including the use of the Amazon as an exit route for cocaine”. None of the Dutch people surveyed has been convicted in Brazil to date.

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Production by one of the companies of Joni Matos Campos. (Photo: Instagram)

Questioned by the daily newspaper Folha for his collaboration with Valdemar in Agropecuária Patauá, Joni Mota Campos limited himself to say that he had never met the president of the Liberal Party. However, data from the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) shows that Joni has been a member of the PL since October 2007, the year Valdemar was elected for his fifth term as federal deputy, after resigning in 2005 due to the consequences of the “monthly allowance-affaire’ (the Mensalão-investigation). In the Folha report, Joni stated that the two companies, Patauá and Reflorestadora Holanda, “exist only ‘in the system’ and that – in his memory – they hadn’t been active since 2004.”

The newspaper also reminded Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos of “a public civil procedure by the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office in connection with the deforestation of 23.6 hectares of Amazon Forest without permission”. The partner of the Dutch Eco Brasil BV dismissed that issue as a mistake. He never owned these lands”.

Joni also presents himself as an influential figure in mining in the Amazon, as coordinator of the “Garimpo é Legal Movement” in the state of Amazonas. The movement was founded by miner Rodrigo Cataratas from the neighboring state of Roraima, another candidate federal deputy for the PL. In the southeast of Amazonas, in Apuí, near the border with Mato Grosso, Joni is a partner at Aliança Mineração, in collaboration with Agostinho Borges da Silva.

At the National Mining Agency (ANM), Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos’ partner has an active application for research into gold, copper and manganese ore pending. It concerns an area of more than nine thousand hectares in Nova Aripuanã, a neighboring municipality of Apuí, where Aliança Mineração is headquartered. Agostinho Borges can be found on the internet operating mining companies in Roraima and on the banks of the Juma River, in the region of Apuí and Novo Aripuanã (Amazonas).

The conflict map of the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (Fiocruz) shows how the region is characterized by a strong flow of prospectors who are mainly looking for alluvial gold deposits discovered in the place in 2006. Apuí is one of the gateways to illegal mining and timber activities in the Amazon and – as this observatory observed this month during a visit to the region – it is one of the municipalities where fires are concentrated in the Amazon.

Tonsk Fialho studies law at the UFRJ and researches trade unions and social movements. |

|| Alceu Luís Castilho is editor-in-chief of De Olho nos Ruralistas ||

Main image (Reproduction/YouTube): Valdemar Costa Neto, president of the PL, has special interests in legalizing mining

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Voorzitter Bolsonaro’s LP verkoopt landbouwbedrijf aan voor illegale houtkap en drugssmokkel veroordeelde Nederlanders

Voorzitter Bolsonaro’s Liberale partij gelinkt aan Nederlandse illegale houtkapbedrijven

Voorzitter van Bolsonaro’s rechtse Liberale Partij is een partner van de coördinator van de “Mijnbouw is Cool Beweging” (Movimento Garimpo é Legal)  

Afbeelding met persoon, binnen, person, kostuumAutomatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

Valdemar Costa Neto verkocht een deel van zijn landbouwbedrijf aan Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos, die een Nederlands bedrijf vertegenwoordigt, waarvan partners zijn veroordeeld voor financiële piramideconstructies en internationale drugshandel

Door Tonsk Fialho en Alceu Luís Castilho

Voorzitter van de huidige partij van Jair Bolsonaro (PL), Valdemar Costa Neto is partner bij Agropecuária Patauá, een bedrijf dat hout verkoopt en land- en veeteelt activiteiten uitvoert. Tijdens zijn derde termijn als federaal afgevaardigde, in 2000, verkocht Valdemar 75% van Patauá aan een groep Nederlandse investeerders, Eco Brasil BV, vertegenwoordigd door de Braziliaan Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos. 

Tegenwoordig werkt “Joni”, zoals hij bekend staat, als coördinator van de “Garimpo É Legal Movement” in de staat Amazonas. Daarnaast is hij sinds 2007 lid van de Liberale Partij.

Afbeelding met persoon, buiten, tennisbaan, sportAutomatisch gegenereerde beschrijving
Joni, van Movimento Garimpo é Legal, met zijn Nederlandse partners. (Foto: Facebook)

In Europa (Nederland) verwierf Eco Brasil BV een belang in het bedrijf van Valdemar via haar dochteronderneming Reflorestadora Holanda. Eco Brasil exploiteerde een financieel piramidespel waardoor honderden gezinnen gedupeerd werden. Een aantal van de betrokken managers belandde in de gevangenis, veroordeeld voor het verkopen van misleidende investeringsplannen op basis van herbebossing van gedegradeerde gebieden. In Brazilië werden enkele Nederlandse leidinggevenden van het bedrijf beschuldigd van landroof en betrokkenheid bij drugshandel.

De geschiedenis van de familie Valdemar in de gemeente Itacoatiara (Amazonas) begint in de jaren 70, toen Waldemar Costa Filho, de vader van Valdemar Costa Neto, zich in samenwerking met zakenman Fumio Horii in de kaolienmijnbouw (een grondstof voor de papier en keramiek-industrie)  in het Amazoneregenwoud waagde. Hij was landgenoot en goede vriend van de familie uit Mogi das Cruzes (Sao Paulo). In die stad staat de huidige president van Bolsonaro’s partij bekend onder de suggestieve bijnaam “Boy”. Zijn vader was vier keer burgemeester van Mogi, en was er een belangrijk zakenman in de transport- en mijnbouwsector.

MIJNBEDRIJF ADOPTEERT DE INITIALEN VAN “BOY” VALDEMAR

In de sector trad Valdemar in de voetsporen van zijn vader door in 1996 VCN Mineração op te richten, vernoemd naar de initialen van de toenmalige plaatsvervanger van de LP. Vandaag de dag maakt hij, nu de voorzitter van de partij van Bolsonaro, geen deel meer uit van de bedrijfsstructuur van VCN, maar Valdemar Costa Neto werd vorig jaar wél in tweede aanleg veroordeeld voor de degradatie van een gebied ter grootte van 28 voetbalvelden door het bedrijf, aan de oevers van de rivier de Tietê, in Biritiba-Mirim, in het binnenland van São Paulo.

Afbeelding met persoon, buiten, person, luchtAutomatisch gegenereerde beschrijving
Valdemar da Costa Neto’s partner in een Bolsonarista-act. (Foto: Facebook)

Een jaar voor het overlijden van Valdemar’s vader, op 7 februari 2000, werd het 49 hectare grote landgoed in Itacoatiara (Amazonas) overgedragen aan VCN Mineração. Iets meer dan twee weken later, op 25 februari 2000, verkocht de afgevaardigde 75% van Agropecuária Patauá aan Reflorestadora Holanda, dat sinds ten minste 1998 in het Amazonegebied actief was. 

In die tijd bouwde Eco Brasil een slechte reputatie op, vooral door haar deelname in de illegale houtkaponderneming Eco-Brasil-Holanda-Andirá, geleid door de voormalige honorair consul van Nederland in Pará, Gerardus Bartels. In 1999 werden de activiteiten van de Nederlandse consul tegen het licht gehouden door een parlementaire onderzoekscommissie (CPI) in de Wetgevende Vergadering van de staat Amazonas, op beschuldiging van het omzeilen van de Braziliaanse grondwet door illegaal meer dan 70 duizend hectare bos te verwerven. Daarbij werden ongeveer 300 families die langs de rivier in de regio woonden, gedwongen om het gehele gebied voor houtkap te verkavelen.

De consul ontkende de beschuldigingen, en beweerde het slachtoffer te zijn van een valstrik door Eco Brasil BV. Ervan overtuigd 90% van het hout aan de Nederlandse groep te hebben verkocht, zou de consul hebben ontdekt dat Eco Brasil BV in werkelijkheid delen van het bos overdroeg aan derde partijen. Voor 3.000 dollar per hectare zouden geïnteresseerden een gebied kunnen verwerven waarop Eco Brasil beloofde teak te planten, een Aziatische soort die veel wordt gebruikt voor herbebossing. Vervolgens zou de winst van de beheeractiviteiten worden gedeeld met de investeerders.

Bartels sloeg op de vlucht, en Eco Brasil BV begon een groot deel van de door de voormalige honorair consul bezette hectaren te claimen. In de jaren die volgden, bleek het uitgekiende investeringsvoorstel van Eco Brasil in werkelijkheid een financieel piramidespel te zijn. Een zoektocht naar de geschiedenis van het bedrijf in Nederland leidt naar online forums waar enkele van de gedupeerde families op schadevergoeding en vrijheidsstraffen voor de betrokkenen aandringen. 

NEDERLANDSE JOURNALIST ONDERZOEKT NETWERKEN VAN LANDROOF (GRILAGEM) IN AMAZONAS

Ongeveer 40 miljoen euro werd doorgesluisd naar andere bedrijven, naast uitgaven aan onroerend goed, casino’s, auto’s, reizen, enzovoort. Eco-Brasil BV betaalde de rendementen aan haar investeerders uit de opbrengsten van nieuwe deelnemers in het fonds. De speculatieve waardevermeerdering met de gronden die door consul Gerardus Bartels in beslag werden genomen, was enorm. Eco Brasil creëerde zo een kapitalisatieplan voor de bossen, gericht op de snelle en frauduleuze verrijking van haar bestuurders.

Details van dit verhaal werden beschreven in de voorpublicatie van het boek “Het Woud van Amazonas”, door Gio Ferrarius, een Nederlandse journalist. Een deel van de betrokkenen heeft tevergeefs een kort geding aangespannen bij de Nederlandse rechter om de publicatie van het werk te verbieden. De auteur werkte samen met De Olho nos Ruralistas om de betrokkenheid van Valdemar bij de zaak Eco Brasil BV te onderzoeken.

Afbeelding met tekstAutomatisch gegenereerde beschrijvingValdemar Costa Neto, de “Boy”, staat garant voor de campagne van Bolsonaro. (Foto: Alan Rios/Reproductie)

Het onroerend goed van Valdemar Costa Neto in Itacoatiara (Amazonas) maakte deel uit van de portefeuille van het Nederlandse bedrijf, dat Braziliaanse dekmantels gebruikte om in het land te opereren. Eco Brasil had geen vergunning om het project te exploiteren, en was evenmin eigenaar van de meeste eigendommen die het beweerde te bezitten. Volgens de Nederlandse rechtbank vonden de illegale activiteiten van de groep plaats tussen 1999 en 2004, maar vond de overdracht van de eigendommen van VCN Mineração aan Reflorestadora Holanda pas plaats in 2005, het jaar van het “Mensalão” parlementair onderzoek (een groot schandaal rond het kopen van parlementaire stemmen), dat culmineerde in de arrestatie van Costa Neto, momenteel voorzitter van de partij van Bolsonaro.

In 2006 werd in Nederland PJ Quak, een van de leiders van de organisatie, veroordeeld tot zes jaar gevangenisstraf. Door de juridische onrust waarmee haar partners werden geconfronteerd, verwerden Reflorestadora Holanda en Agropecuária Patauá uiteindelijk tot “slapende” bedrijven, waarin onafgewerkte arbeidsrechtszaken en belastingheffingen zich opstapelden. In 2017 werd het 49 hectare grote gebied van Valdemar en zijn partners uiteindelijk verpand aan de Federale Overheid vanwege de enorm opgelopen schulden van Reflorestadora Holanda. 

PARTNER VAN “BOY” VERTEGENWOORDIGT NEDERLANDERS DIE VERDACHT ZIJN VAN INTERNATIONALE ILLEGALE HANDEL

Mede-eigenaar van Reflorestadora Holanda en Braziliaans vertegenwoordiger van Eco Brasil BV Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos, partner van Valdemar Costa Neto, is nog steeds erg actief op sociale media, waar hij dagelijks steunbetuigingen voor Jair Bolsonaro plaatst en regelmatig contact houdt met zijn vrienden in Nederland. In de statuten van Reflorestadora Holanda komen de namen van R.G. van den Heuvel en T. Hoegee voor als partners in het bedrijf.

Beiden werden onderzocht voor internationale drugshandel in de operatie Niva van de federale politie in 2011, toen leden van de georganiseerde misdaad in de Balkanregio, die in samenwerking met PCC (Primeira Comando da Capital) in Brazilië opereerden, werden gearresteerd.  PCC is Brazilië’s grootste criminele organisatie, met 20.000 leden, waarvan er 6.000 in gevangenschap verblijven. Volgens de Federale Politie maakten de betrokkenen deel uit van een “criminele organisatie die zich bezighield met drugshandel van Brazilië naar Europa, inclusief het gebruik van het Amazonegebied als uitgangsroute voor cocaïne”. Geen van de onderzochte Nederlanders is tot heden in Brazilië veroordeeld.

Afbeelding met grond, lucht, buiten, rotsAutomatisch gegenereerde beschrijving
Productie door één van de bedrijven van Joni Matos Campos. (Foto: Instagram)

Bevraagd door het dagblad Folha vanwege zijn samenwerking met Valdemar in Agropecuária Patauá, beperkte Joni Mota Campos zich ertoe te zeggen dat hij de president van de liberale partij nog nooit had ontmoet. Uit gegevens van het Superior Electoral Court (TSE) blijkt echter dat Joni sinds oktober 2007 bij de PL is aangesloten, het jaar waarin Valdemar voor zijn vijfde termijn als federaal plaatsvervanger werd gekozen, nadat hij in 2005 aftrad vanwege de gevolgen van de “maandelijkse zakgeld-affaire” (het Mensalão-onderzoek). Tegen Folha verklaarde Joni dat de twee bedrijven, Patauá en Reflorestadora Holanda, “alleen ‘in het systeem’ bestaan ​​en dat ze in zijn herinnering sinds 2004 niet meer actief zouden zijn.”

De krant herinnerde Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos ook aan “een openbare civiele procedure van het Federale Openbaar Ministerie in verband met de ontbossing van 23,6 hectare Amazonewoud zonder toestemming”. De partner van het Nederlandse Eco Brasil BV deed die kwestie af als een vergissing. Hij had deze gronden nooit in bezit gehad.

Joni presenteert zichzelf ook als een invloedrijke figuur in de mijnbouw in het Amazonegebied, als coördinator van de “Garimpo é Legal Movement” in de staat Amazonas. De beweging is opgericht door mijnbouwer Rodrigo Cataratas uit de aangrenzende staat Roraima, alweer een kandidaat federaal afgevaardigde voor de PL. In het zuidoosten van Amazonas, in Apuí, vlak bij de grens met Mato Grosso, is Joni partner bij Aliança Mineração, in samenwerking met Agostinho Borges da Silva.

Bij het National Mining Agency (ANM) heeft de partner van Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos een actieve aanvraag voor onderzoek naar goud, koper en mangaanerts lopen. Het betreft een gebied van meer dan 9000 hectare in Nova Aripuanã, een naburige gemeente van Apuí, waar het hoofdkantoor van Aliança Mineração gevestigd is. Een rondgang op internet leert dat Agostinho Borges mijnbouwbedrijven exploiteert in Roraima en aan de oevers van de Juma-rivier, in de regio van Apuí en Novo Aripuanã (Amazonas).

De conflictkaart van de Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (Fiocruz) laat zien hoe de regio wordt gekenmerkt door een sterke stroom van goudzoekers die voornamelijk op zoek zijn naar alluviale goudafzettingen die in de plaats in 2006 zijn ontdekt. ​​Apuí is een van de toegangspoorten tot illegale mijnbouw- en houtactiviteiten in het Amazonegebied en – zoals dit observatorium deze maand tijdens een bezoek aan de regio heeft waargenomen – is het een van de gemeenten waar branden zich in het Amazonegebied concentreren.

Tonsk Fialho studeert  rechten aan de UFRJ en onderzoekt vakbonden en sociale bewegingen. |

|| Alceu Luís Castilho is hoofdredacteur van De Olho nos Ruralistas ||

Hoofdafbeelding (Reproductie/YouTube): Valdemar Costa Neto, voorzitter van de PL, heeft bijzondere belangen bij het legaliseren van mijnbouw

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Dutch Swiss guy offers $47 million Brazilian rainforest as collateral for Spanish solar panel project.

Dutch Swiss guy offers $47 million Brazilian rainforest as collateral for Spanish solar panel project.

Sometimes in your life you come across something that makes you rub your eyes. In my case, that happened in 2019. I met a Dutch gentleman with a Swiss-Brazilian past. It was in Rotterdam, on the Nieuwe Maas… It was a business proposal. Participation in a “global start up”, and it served a good cause. There was an ambitious plan. In a few years this should lead to worldwide expansion and listing on one or more international stock exchanges. The IPO would soon involve hundreds of millions of dollars.

During our conversation, my interlocutor made some startling statements. One of these concerned the rainforest in Brazil. He said he owned 435,000 hectares of tropical rainforest and three ethanol factories down there.

IN THE MIDDLE OF PROTECTED AREA IN AMAZONAS STATE

The southern part of Brazil's largest state - Amazonas is one of the most deforested regions in the entire Amazon. In the vicinity of the town of Apui (22,000 inhabitants), with an area of 5.5 million hectares 30% larger than the whole of the Netherlands, lays the "Fazenda Boa Fé". Not a farm, as you might think, but a tropical rainforest. It covers a large part of the forest between two rivers: the Guariba and the Aripuana, 435,000 hectares in total. It includes the “Sustainable Development Reserve” on the banks of the Aripuana river, destined for sustainable development, focusing mainly on opportunities for the original inhabitants of the area.

regenwoud in het amazonegebiedThe Fazenda Boa Fé is part of the "Mosaic of Apui", a protected area of 2.5 million hectares just north to the state of "Mato Grosso", and is regulated in a management plan that took shape under President Lula in the first decade of this century. The establishment of this zone was mainly aimed at stopping the advancing cattle- farming from Mato Grosso.

Despite this, 150,000 hectares of Apui Municipality's rainforest has been lost to – largely – illegal logging and arson in the last 10 years. Before that, the area had suffered a number of serious incidents such as the violent expulsion of the uncontacted Kawahiva tribe from their natural habitat, the destruction of copaiba trees around the Aripuana, depriving the inhabitants from their main source of income (copaïba resin, and the oil extracted from it), the construction of illegal roads by loggers, and the placing of signs denying residents access to their natural habitat.

LARGE-SCALE ILLEGAL LAND TRADE IN THE APUÍ MOSAIC

Originally, 40% of the entire mosaic was claimed by a cooperative of 1,036 members. They operated from the town of Colniza in Mato Grosso, just south of the Mosaic. Colniza is the most violent city in all of Brazil with 50 murders per year on just 25,000 inhabitants, and almost all of those murders are related to "land issues". The cooperative was involved in almost all abuses in the Mosaic in those years.

In addition, the cooperative was guilty of illegally selling lots in the protected area. Members paid dues, that were used to cover fees for lawyers who “legalized” land in the Mosaic on demand. And that is not possible… Although "squatting"" unoccupied land in Brazil is allowed, and you can also officially register it (in the so-called CAR registration), the land does not become property in this way. Moreover you may not utilize the land - in any manner - without licenses, granted by authorized government organizations.

HOW THE FAZENDA BOA FÉ LANDED IN DUTCH- SWISS HANDS

When the management plan for the region was drawn up, the land was redistributed. The Fazenda – which was part of the former grounds of the cooperative – came into the hands of a small company “Boa Fé Participacoes Ltda”, (Boa Fé) in a suburb of Sao Paolo, 4,000 kilometers from the location of the Fazenda. That happened on the basis of an old property document from 1912.

Ownership of the lands, however, was not clear from the document. It is quite common in Brazil that lands are allocated on the basis of such a kind of old - often manipulated - document. The Brazilians have a word for it: “GRILAGEM”, and see it as a form of land grabbing.

At that time, that small company (Boa Fé) is almost 50% in the hands of the Liechtenstein company “Natural Resources Development” (NRD), which is under Dutch management. The remaining 50% is indirectly controlled by a Brazilian lawyer who was previously associated with the cooperative and who represented it in the negotiations with the Municipality of Apuí. The same lawyer was indicted in 2007 for building an illegal road in the Mosaic and was involved in several incidents involving logging activities in the Barreirinha municipality in the northeast of the state.

Later on, NRD would also get hold of almost the entire remaining half. The “property” is valued at tens of millions of dollars, and transferred to a Caribbean tax haven.

A WEIRD DESTINATION FOR THE FAZENDA IN SOUTHERN EUROPE

In August 2010, the same land was offered by another Dutchman through a Swiss company as collateral for a solar panel project in Cadiz (Spain). Thanks to an ingenious construction, through a Hungarian listed fund, that project is also controlled by the fund in the Caribean, with a few Dutch businessmen in charge.

The affair prompted me to write my book “The Tocantins Forest". If you want to know how this goes on, and what's going on today in the Fazenda Boa Fé and the rainforests of Liberia, you can read it there. You can read the press release announcing the transaction here... - ENDS -

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LANDGRABBING DUTCHIES OF THE 3D MILLENNIUM

LANDGRABBING DUTCHIES OF THE 3d MILLENNIUM

illegal logs

From 1998 to the present, the Dutch have owned extensive land holdings in Amazonas. Brazil’s largest state is home to much of the region’s tropical rainforest. The claimed land ownership went with land grabs (Portuguese: “Grilagem”), crimes against humanity and illegal logging. Hundreds of thousands of hectares of virgin wilderness fell prey to the ruthless greed of adventurers and creative financiers from the lowlands.

Sao Paulo, 28th of Januari 2001.  A parliamentary commission charged with investigating the occupation of public land in Amazonas state reports on its findings. One chapter is devoted to the role of foreigners in the region.

The Committee concludes that by far the most important foreign landowner in the state is the Dutchman Gerardus Laurentius Joseph Bartels, who – together with Ms Monica Janette Bartels – acquired various plots of land in the region. In total, this concerns a staggering 367,000 hectares. The land is partly registered in the region around the city of “Barreirinha” on the banks of the Andirá River, and is part of Bartels’ company “Eco Brasil Holanda-Andirá Ltda“. The remainder is located near the town of Itacoatiara, and is owned by “Reflorestadora Ltda“, a subsidiary of Eco Brasil.

The committee points out that under Brazilian law Bartels, as a foreigner, may not own more than 2,750 hectares. His land ownership is largely illegal…

At that point in time, Bartels is honorary consul for the Netherlands in Belèm, the capital of the adjacent state of “Para”. In previous years he has taken over the land for pennies on the dollar from indigenous residents and poor farmers in the area.

By then – in 2001 – things had turned bad in the region around Barreirinha for several years. In March 1999, the governor of the state of Amazonas authorized the president of IPAAM to take action against Dutch people who were logging illegally at a 50-minute boat ride from the city of Barreirinha. IPAAM is the state agency that deals with logging licenses and enforcement thereof. The governor – Amazonino Mendez – did so after he received alarming signals from Thiago de Mello, an internationally renowned poet, who lives in Barreirinha; an ex-exile from the military dictatorship that reigned Brazil between 1964 and 1985.

IPAAM chief Vicente Nogueira visited the city, imposed an embargo on all logging activities in the region, and dispatched military police to the scene. They met four Dutchmen, who introduced themselves to him as owners of “Eco Brasil Holanda-Andirá”. On presentation of Nogueira’s enforcement request, the Dutch said they would continue their activities. When they then announced their intent to evict 2,000 indigenous families working in the area from their land, the governor announced that he would deploy military police to enforce the embargo. In the worst case, he would proceed to imprison the Dutch.

The latter did not happen. What did happen however, is that the military police, in a joint action with the

Indigenous “Sateré Mawé” population swept the area in a 10-day operation. 5 logging locations were closed. Environmental inspectors found 3,000 tree trunks submerged in tributaries of the Andira River. An apparent attempt to escape the watchful eye of the environmental inspectors.

250 loggers lost their jobs. They directed their anger at the poet Thiago de Mello; threatened to ambush and kill him. De Mello was placed under protection.

These incidents are the prelude to 20 years of land occupation and illegal deforestation by Dutch residents and Brazilian associates. You can read more about it in The Tocantins Forest.

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Liberia sighs under Dutch rule in Liechtenstein logging company

Liberia sighs under Dutch rule in Liechtenstein logging company

land rental protest

The Liechtenstein company under Dutch leadership “NRD Natural Resources Development’ exploits part of the rainforest in Liberia. The two operating companies”International Consultant Capital” (ICC) and “Geblo logging”, acquired logging concessions on 398,000 hectares of land in the “Grand Gedeh”, “Sinoe” and “Rivercess” districts in 2009.

NRD owes a number of fees for the exercise of that right. For the land rental, taxes and a number of social obligations stipulated in the contract between the Liberian government and the logging companies. 

NRD and her subsidiaries never met their financial obligations toward Liberia since their inception, and in doing so they seriously failed the country and its people.

When the “Liberia Forest Initiative” (LFI) was launched in 2004, its intent was that the reforms of the Liberian forest sector after the end of the civil war would benefit the Liberian people. It was an initiative of the United States Department of State (via USAID), and was supported by a number of international organizations, including the World Bank.

By mid-2020, the arrears in the financial obligations of ICC and GEBLO jointly amount to over twenty-five million dollars. Money, which largely had to benefit local communities in Liberia. For the construction of infrastructure, schools and hospitals. The contracts were intended to lead to employment for the bitterly poor inhabitants of local communities. About 5,000 jobs were envisaged in the forestry sector. With decent housing, food and a safe working environment. Very little – if at all – has come of this. Today, the forestry sector employs 1,500 people. Of those, about 500 are employed by the two companies. Under poor working conditions; with meager wages, no housing. With irregular food rations and without job security. Little or nothing came of the initial promises.

The article below is a poignant example of how companies deal with their social responsibility. It is not a story in itself, there are numerous similar examples. The saga of the forest sector in liberia after Taylor and Kouwenhoven is endless and steeped in a large number of incidents and gross abuses. My book “The Tocantins Forest’ takes you along into the sad details.

ICC LOGGING EMPLOYEES THREATEN WITH HUNGER STRIKE OVER SALARY DELAY

Afbeelding met persoon, grond, groep, menigte Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

Grand Bassa County- About 250 workers from the “International Consultant Logging Company” (ICC) have threatened to go on hunger strike if they fail to pay five months’ wages owed to them by the company’s management.

According to Mr Emmanuel Somah, a representative of the disadvantaged workers, no more timber shipments will take place from the ICC facilities in Big Joe Town, just outside the port city of Buchanan, until the issue is resolved. The boycott will last until the arrears have been paid in full.

The injured workers’ action follows management’s plan to pay two months of their five-month arrears and the balance three months later. The workers reject this and demand that all five months be paid in full.

According to them, in order to calm the prevailing situation, the government must intervene quickly and ensure that they get their money, otherwise they will embarrass the company’s operation by blocking the main entrance until their demands are met.

Mr Somah said; “We came here on Monday to get our money and the management told us to go home and come back on Tuesday as they were not willing to pay our five months backlog.

However, when we arrived on Tuesday, management begged us to settle for two months from our five months backlog and showed us a later date for the balance to be paid. But we say no to that, we want all our money because we don’t trust the company. If not, the company will not operate in peace.”

The five month backlog is equivalent to USD$1,000 to USD$1,800.

“We have our wife and children at home, and there is no food. We work for this company and every month we have to apologize because we don’t get paid. Some of us have been abandoned by our wives and children because we cannot provide for their daily needs.

This company really pushes us to cause trouble and we’re not going home. We prefer to sleep at the company’s concession yard until we get our money,” said Mr. Somah.

The workers feel that the government of Liberia, including Grand Bassa County labor commissioner Mr Johnson Quaqua, does not represent them well, but speaks in the public interest of the company just because of the taxes they pay to the government.

Mr Somah added. “The president told us in his inaugural address that we wouldn’t be spectators of our own province’s economy, but now it’s even worse than that; we toil for nothing on our own land as if we were outsiders.

Cutting a log is no easy task. When we have a hard time in the bush, the government cannot provide protection, but there is now time and money to send a huge team of officers from the Police Unit (PSU) today to calm the situation and also to company and its management. This Is So Sad For Our Democracy”

When asked, Mr. Johnson Quaqua, the Grand Bassa County labor commissioner, condemned the company’s move to export the county’s resources while unable to pay its employees their wages.

Despite his disappointment, Mr. Quaqua thanked the aggrieved workers for their peaceful protest, assuring them that he would continue to pressure the management of the logging company until the money was paid in full.

Furthermore, Mr Quaqua said that the company’s management had told him that the slowdown in workers’ salary is caused by the fall in prices in the global market and the effect of the global Covid-19 pandemic.

“Because of my intervention, the workers have kept so quiet and I say it is not ‘good practice’. That’s why we’re urge anyone who owes workers a salary to make sure these people get their money, because that’s what they work for.”

Posted on

Liberia sighs under Dutch rule in Liechtenstein logging company

Liberia sighs under Dutch rule in Liechtenstein logging company

land rental protest

The Liechtenstein company under Dutch leadership "NRD Natural Resources Development’ exploits part of the rainforest in Liberia. The two operating companies”International Consultant Capital" (ICC) and "Geblo logging”, acquired logging concessions on 398,000 hectares of land in the “Grand Gedeh”, “Sinoe” and “Rivercess” districts in 2009.

NRD owes a number of fees for the exercise of that right. For the land rental, taxes and a number of social obligations stipulated in the contract between the Liberian government and the logging companies. 

NRD and her subsidiaries never met their financial obligations toward Liberia since their inception, and in doing so they seriously failed the country and its people.

When the “Liberia Forest Initiative” (LFI) was launched in 2004, its intent was that the reforms of the Liberian forest sector after the end of the civil war would benefit the Liberian people. It was an initiative of the United States Department of State (via USAID), and was supported by a number of international organizations, including the World Bank.

By mid-2020, the arrears in the financial obligations of ICC and GEBLO jointly amount to over twenty-five million dollars. Money, which largely had to benefit local communities in Liberia. For the construction of infrastructure, schools and hospitals. The contracts were intended to lead to employment for the bitterly poor inhabitants of local communities. About 5,000 jobs were envisaged in the forestry sector. With decent housing, food and a safe working environment. Very little – if at all – has come of this. Today, the forestry sector employs 1,500 people. Of those, about 500 are employed by the two companies. Under poor working conditions; with meager wages, no housing. With irregular food rations and without job security. Little or nothing came of the initial promises.

 

The article below is a poignant example of how companies deal with their social responsibility. It is not a story in itself, there are numerous similar examples. The saga of the forest sector in liberia after Taylor and Kouwenhoven is endless and steeped in a large number of incidents and gross abuses. My book "The Tocantins Forest’ takes you along into the sad details.

ICC LOGGING EMPLOYEES THREATEN WITH HUNGER STRIKE OVER SALARY DELAY

Afbeelding met persoon, grond, groep, menigte Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

Grand Bassa County- About 250 workers from the "International Consultant Logging Company" (ICC) have threatened to go on hunger strike if they fail to pay five months' wages owed to them by the company's management.

According to Mr Emmanuel Somah, a representative of the disadvantaged workers, no more timber shipments will take place from the ICC facilities in Big Joe Town, just outside the port city of Buchanan, until the issue is resolved. The boycott will last until the arrears have been paid in full.

The injured workers' action follows management's plan to pay two months of their five-month arrears and the balance three months later. The workers reject this and demand that all five months be paid in full.

According to them, in order to calm the prevailing situation, the government must intervene quickly and ensure that they get their money, otherwise they will embarrass the company's operation by blocking the main entrance until their demands are met.

Mr Somah said; “We came here on Monday to get our money and the management told us to go home and come back on Tuesday as they were not willing to pay our five months backlog.

However, when we arrived on Tuesday, management begged us to settle for two months from our five months backlog and showed us a later date for the balance to be paid. But we say no to that, we want all our money because we don't trust the company. If not, the company will not operate in peace.”

The five month backlog is equivalent to USD$1,000 to USD$1,800.

“We have our wife and children at home, and there is no food. We work for this company and every month we have to apologize because we don't get paid. Some of us have been abandoned by our wives and children because we cannot provide for their daily needs.

This company really pushes us to cause trouble and we're not going home. We prefer to sleep at the company's concession yard until we get our money," said Mr. Somah.

The workers feel that the government of Liberia, including Grand Bassa County labor commissioner Mr Johnson Quaqua, does not represent them well, but speaks in the public interest of the company just because of the taxes they pay to the government.

Mr Somah added. “The president told us in his inaugural address that we wouldn't be spectators of our own province's economy, but now it's even worse than that; we toil for nothing on our own land as if we were outsiders.

Cutting a log is no easy task. When we have a hard time in the bush, the government cannot provide protection, but there is now time and money to send a huge team of officers from the Police Unit (PSU) today to calm the situation and also to company and its management. This Is So Sad For Our Democracy”

When asked, Mr. Johnson Quaqua, the Grand Bassa County labor commissioner, condemned the company's move to export the county's resources while unable to pay its employees their wages.

Despite his disappointment, Mr. Quaqua thanked the aggrieved workers for their peaceful protest, assuring them that he would continue to pressure the management of the logging company until the money was paid in full.

Furthermore, Mr Quaqua said that the company's management had told him that the slowdown in workers' salary is caused by the fall in prices in the global market and the effect of the global Covid-19 pandemic.

“Because of my intervention, the workers have kept so quiet and I say it is not 'good practice'. That's why we're urge anyone who owes workers a salary to make sure these people get their money, because that's what they work for.”

Posted on

LANGRABBING DUTCHIES IN THE 3D MILLENNIUM

LANGRABBING DUTCHIES IN THE 3D MILLENNIUM

illegal logs

From 1998  to the present, the Dutch manage sizable land holdings in Amazonas Brazil's largest province is home to much of the region's tropical rainforest. The claimed land ownership was accompanied by land grabs (Portuguese: “Grilagem"), crimes against humanity and illegal logging. Hundreds of thousands of hectares of virgin wilderness fell prey to the ruthless greed of adventurers and creative financiers from the lowlands.

Sao Paulo, 28th Januari 2001, A parliamentary commission charged with investigating the occupation of public land in the Amazonas state reports on its findings. One chapter is devoted to the role of foreigners in the region.

The Committee concludes that by far the most important foreign landowner in the state is the Dutchman Gerardus Laurentius Joseph Bartels, who together with Ms Monica Janette Bartels acquired various plots of land in the region. In total, this concerns a staggering 367,000 hectares. The land is partly registered in the region around the city of “Barreirinha” on the Andirá river, and is part of Bartels' company Eco Brasil Holanda-Andirá Ltda. Another part is located near the city of Itacoatiara, and is owned by Reflorestadora Ltda, a subsidiary of Eco Brasil.

The committee points out that, under the circumstances, Bartels as a foreigner may not own more than 2,750 hectares on the basis of Brazilian law. His land ownership is illegal…

Bartels is - at that point in time - consul honoraire for the Netherlands in Belèm, the capital of the adjacent state “Para”. In previous years he has taken over the land for pennies on the dollar from indigenous residents and farmers in the area. 

Then – in 2001 – things had been going on in the region around Barreirinha for several years. In March 1999, the governor of the state of Amazonas authorizes the president of IPAAM to take action against Dutch people who were reported to be logging illegally at a 50-minute boat ride from the city of Barreirinha. IPAAM is the state agency that deals with (among other things) licensing and enforcement of logging licenses. The governor – Amazonino Mendez – is doing so after he received alarming signals from Thiago de Mello, an internationally renowned poet, who lives in Barreirinha. He is an ex-exile from the military dictatorship that engulfed Brazil between 1964 and 1985.

IPAAM chief Vicente Nogueira visits the city, imposes an embargo on all logging activities in the region, and dispatches military police to the scene. They meet four Dutchmen, who introduce themselves to him as owners of “Eco Brasil Holanda-Andirá”. On presentation of Nogueira's enforcement request, the Dutch say they will continue their activities. When they then announce that they will be evicting 2,000 indigenous families working in the area from their land, the governor announces that he will deploy military police to enforce the embargo. In the worst case, he will proceed to capture the Dutch.

The latter does not happen. What does happen is that the military police, in a joint action with the Indigenous “Sateré Mawé” population, clean up the area in a 10-day operation. 5 logging locations are closed. Environmental inspectors find 3,000 tree trunks submerged in tributaries of the Andira River. An apparent attempt to escape the watchful eye of the environmental inspectors.

250 loggers lose their jobs. They direct their anger at the poet Thiago de Mello. They threaten to ambush and kill him. De Mello is placed under protection.

These incidents are the prelude to 20 years of land occupation and illegal deforestation by Dutch residents and Brazilian associates. You can read more about it in The Tocantins Forest.