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Chairman of Bolsonaro’s right wing party sells farm to Dutch company involved in Ponzi-scheme and drugs- trafficking.

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President of Bolsonaro’s right-wing Liberal Party is a partner of the coordinator of the “Mining is Cool Movement” (Movimento Garimpo é Legal)

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Valdemar Costa Neto sold part of his farm to Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos, who represents a Dutch company, whose partners have been convicted of ponzi schemes and international drug trafficking.

By Tonsk Fialho and Alceu Luís Castilho

Chairman of the political party of Jair Bolsonaro (PL, Liberal Party), Valdemar Costa Neto is a partner at Agropecuária Patauá, a company that sells wood and conducts agricultural and livestock activities. During his third term as federal delegate, in 2000, Valdemar sold 75% of Patauá to a group of Dutch investors, Eco Brasil BV, represented by Brazilian Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos. Today, “Joni”, as he is known, works as coordinator of the “Garimpo É Legal Movement” in the state of Amazonas. He has also been a member of the Liberal Party since 2007.

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Joni, from Movimento Garimpo é Legal, with his Dutch partners. (Photo: Facebook)

In Europe (Netherlands) Eco Brasil BV acquired a stake in Valdemar’s company through its subsidiary Reflorestadora Holanda. Eco Brasil operated a financial pyramid scheme wherethrough hundreds of families were duped. A number of managers involved ended up in prison, convicted for selling misleading investment plans based on reforestation of degraded land. In Brazil, some Dutch managers of the company were accused of land grabbing and involvement in drug trafficking.

The history of the Valdemar family in the municipality of Itacoatiara (Amazonas) begins in the seventies, when Waldemar Costa Filho, the father of Valdemar Costa Neto, ventured into the Amazon rainforest in collaboration with businessperson Fumio Horii in kaolin mining (a raw material for the paper and ceramics industry). He was a compatriot and good friend of the family from Mogi das Cruzes (Sao Paulo). In the city, the current president of Bolsonaro’s party is known by the suggestive nickname “Boy”. His father was mayor of Mogi four times, and an important businessman in the transport and mining sector.

MINING COMPANY ADOPTS THE INITIALS OF VALDEMAR, THE ‘BOY’

In the sector, Valdemar followed his father’s footsteps by founding VCN Mineração in 1996, named after the initials of the then still deputy of the LP. Today, the chairman of Bolsonaro’s party is no longer part of VCN’s corporate structure, but – notwithstanding that – Valdemar Costa Neto was convicted last year in second instance for the degradation of an area equal to 28 football fields by the company, on the banks of the Tietê River, in Biritiba-Mirim, in the interior of São Paulo.

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Valdemar da Costa Neto’s partner in a Bolsonarista act. (Photo: Facebook)

One year before the death of Valdemar’s father, on February 7, 2000, the 49-hectare estate in Itacoatiara (Amazonas) was transferred to VCN Mineração. Just over two weeks later, on 25 February 2000, the delegate sold 75% of Agropecuária Patauá to Reflorestadora Holanda, which had been active in the Amazon since at least 1998.

At the time, Eco Brasil already built up a bad reputation, through its participation in the illegal logging company Eco-Brasil-Holanda-Andirá, led by the former honorary consul of the Netherlands in Pará, Gerardus Bartels. In 1999, the Dutch consul was the subject to a parliamentary commission of inquiry (CPI) in the Amazonas Legislative Assembly, on charges of circumventing the Brazilian constitution by illegally acquiring more than seventy thousand hectares of forest. In addition, about three hundred families living along the river in the region were forced to allot the entire area for logging activities.

The consul denied the allegations, claiming to be the victim of a trap by Eco Brasil BV. Convinced of selling 90% of the wood to the Dutch group, the consul would have discovered that Eco Brasil BV was in fact transferring parts of the forest to third parties. For $3,000 per hectare, interested parties could acquire an area where Eco Brasil promised to plant teak, an Asian species widely used for reforestation. Subsequently, the profits from the management activities would be shared with the investors.

Bartels fled and Eco Brasil BV began to claim a large part of the hectares occupied by the former honorary consul. In the years that followed, Eco Brasil’s sophisticated investment proposal turned out to be a financial pyramid scheme. A search for the company’s history in the Netherlands leads to online forums where some of the duped families insist on compensation and custodial sentences for those involved.

DUTCH JOURNALIST INVESTIGATES NETWORKS OF LAND GRABBING (GRILAGEM) IN AMAZONAS

About forty million euros were funneled to other companies, in addition to spendings on real estate, casinos, cars, travel, and so on. It was the pot calling the kettle black, since the speculation with the land seized by consul Gerardus Bartels was for real. Eco Brasil even created a forest capitalization plan, aimed at the rapid and fraudulent enrichment of its directors.

Details of this story were told in the pre-publication of the book “The Forest of Amazonas”, by Gio Ferrarius, a Dutch journalist. Some of those involved unsuccessfully filed summary proceedings with the Dutch court to prohibit the publication of the work. The author collaborated with De Olho nos Ruralistas to investigate Valdemar’s involvement in the Eco Brasil BV case.

<img class=”wp-image-2233″ src=”https://www.gioferrarius.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/afbeelding-met-tekst-automatisch-gegenereerde-bes-1.jpeg” alt=”Afbeelding met tekst

Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving” />Valdemar Costa Neto, the “Boy”, guarantees Bolsonaro’s campaign. (Photo: Alan Rios/Reproduction)

Valdemar Costa Neto’s real estate in Itacoatiara (Amazonas) was part of the portfolio of the Dutch company, which used Brazilian cover- entities to operate in the country. Eco Brasil did not even have a permit to operate the project, nor did it own most of the properties it claimed to possess. According to the Dutch court, the group’s illegal activities took place between 1999 and 2004, but the transfer of VCN Mineração’s property to Reflorestadora Holanda did not take place until 2005, the year of the “Mensalão” parliamentary inquiry (a major scandal involving the purchase of parliamentary votes), that culminated in the arrest of Costa Neto, currently chairman of Bolsonaro’s party.

In 2006, PJ Quak, one of the leaders of the Dutch organization, was sentenced to six years in prison in the Netherlands. Due to the legal turmoil faced by its partners, Reflorestadora Holanda and Agropecuária Patauá eventually became “dormant” companies, piling up unfinished labor- law cases and tax liabilities. In 2017. The 49-hectare area connected to Valdemar was eventually pledged due to debts of Reflorestadora Holanda to the Federal Government.

PARTNER OF “BOY” REPRESENTS DUTCH SUSPECTED OF BEING ENGAGEMENT IN INTERNATIONAL ILLEGAL TRADE

Owner of Reflorestadora Holanda and Brazilian representative of Eco Brasil BV Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos, partner of Valdemar Costa Neto, is still highly active on social media, where he posts daily messages of support for Jair Bolsonaro and keeps in regular contact with his friends in the Netherlands. In the act of incorporation of Reflorestadora Holanda the names of R. G. van den Heuvel and T. Hoegee surface as partners in the company.

Both were investigated for international drug trafficking in the Federal Police’s Operation Niva in 2011, when members of organized crime in the Balkan region, operating in cooperation with the PCC in Brazil, were arrested. Primeira Comando da Capital is Brazil’s largest criminal organization, with 20,000 members, 6,000 of whom remain in captivity. According to the Federal Police, those involved were part of a “criminal organization engaged in drug trafficking from Brazil to Europe, including the use of the Amazon as an exit route for cocaine”. None of the Dutch people surveyed has been convicted in Brazil to date.

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Production by one of the companies of Joni Matos Campos. (Photo: Instagram)

Questioned by the daily newspaper Folha for his collaboration with Valdemar in Agropecuária Patauá, Joni Mota Campos limited himself to say that he had never met the president of the Liberal Party. However, data from the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) shows that Joni has been a member of the PL since October 2007, the year Valdemar was elected for his fifth term as federal deputy, after resigning in 2005 due to the consequences of the “monthly allowance-affaire’ (the Mensalão-investigation). In the Folha report, Joni stated that the two companies, Patauá and Reflorestadora Holanda, “exist only ‘in the system’ and that – in his memory – they hadn’t been active since 2004.”

The newspaper also reminded Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos of “a public civil procedure by the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office in connection with the deforestation of 23.6 hectares of Amazon Forest without permission”. The partner of the Dutch Eco Brasil BV dismissed that issue as a mistake. He never owned these lands”.

Joni also presents himself as an influential figure in mining in the Amazon, as coordinator of the “Garimpo é Legal Movement” in the state of Amazonas. The movement was founded by miner Rodrigo Cataratas from the neighboring state of Roraima, another candidate federal deputy for the PL. In the southeast of Amazonas, in Apuí, near the border with Mato Grosso, Joni is a partner at Aliança Mineração, in collaboration with Agostinho Borges da Silva.

At the National Mining Agency (ANM), Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos’ partner has an active application for research into gold, copper and manganese ore pending. It concerns an area of more than nine thousand hectares in Nova Aripuanã, a neighboring municipality of Apuí, where Aliança Mineração is headquartered. Agostinho Borges can be found on the internet operating mining companies in Roraima and on the banks of the Juma River, in the region of Apuí and Novo Aripuanã (Amazonas).

The conflict map of the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (Fiocruz) shows how the region is characterized by a strong flow of prospectors who are mainly looking for alluvial gold deposits discovered in the place in 2006. Apuí is one of the gateways to illegal mining and timber activities in the Amazon and – as this observatory observed this month during a visit to the region – it is one of the municipalities where fires are concentrated in the Amazon.

Tonsk Fialho studies law at the UFRJ and researches trade unions and social movements. |

|| Alceu Luís Castilho is editor-in-chief of De Olho nos Ruralistas ||

Main image (Reproduction/YouTube): Valdemar Costa Neto, president of the PL, has special interests in legalizing mining

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Voorzitter Bolsonaro’s LP verkoopt landbouwbedrijf aan voor illegale houtkap en drugssmokkel veroordeelde Nederlanders

Voorzitter Bolsonaro’s Liberale partij gelinkt aan Nederlandse illegale houtkapbedrijven

Voorzitter van Bolsonaro’s rechtse Liberale Partij is een partner van de coördinator van de “Mijnbouw is Cool Beweging” (Movimento Garimpo é Legal)  

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Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

Valdemar Costa Neto verkocht een deel van zijn landbouwbedrijf aan Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos, die een Nederlands bedrijf vertegenwoordigt, waarvan partners zijn veroordeeld voor financiële piramideconstructies en internationale drugshandel

Door Tonsk Fialho en Alceu Luís Castilho

Voorzitter van de huidige partij van Jair Bolsonaro (PL), Valdemar Costa Neto is partner bij Agropecuária Patauá, een bedrijf dat hout verkoopt en land- en veeteelt activiteiten uitvoert. Tijdens zijn derde termijn als federaal afgevaardigde, in 2000, verkocht Valdemar 75% van Patauá aan een groep Nederlandse investeerders, Eco Brasil BV, vertegenwoordigd door de Braziliaan Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos. 

Tegenwoordig werkt “Joni”, zoals hij bekend staat, als coördinator van de “Garimpo É Legal Movement” in de staat Amazonas. Daarnaast is hij sinds 2007 lid van de Liberale Partij.

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Joni, van Movimento Garimpo é Legal, met zijn Nederlandse partners. (Foto: Facebook)

In Europa (Nederland) verwierf Eco Brasil BV een belang in het bedrijf van Valdemar via haar dochteronderneming Reflorestadora Holanda. Eco Brasil exploiteerde een financieel piramidespel waardoor honderden gezinnen gedupeerd werden. Een aantal van de betrokken managers belandde in de gevangenis, veroordeeld voor het verkopen van misleidende investeringsplannen op basis van herbebossing van gedegradeerde gebieden. In Brazilië werden enkele Nederlandse leidinggevenden van het bedrijf beschuldigd van landroof en betrokkenheid bij drugshandel.

De geschiedenis van de familie Valdemar in de gemeente Itacoatiara (Amazonas) begint in de jaren 70, toen Waldemar Costa Filho, de vader van Valdemar Costa Neto, zich in samenwerking met zakenman Fumio Horii in de kaolienmijnbouw (een grondstof voor de papier en keramiek-industrie)  in het Amazoneregenwoud waagde. Hij was landgenoot en goede vriend van de familie uit Mogi das Cruzes (Sao Paulo). In die stad staat de huidige president van Bolsonaro’s partij bekend onder de suggestieve bijnaam “Boy”. Zijn vader was vier keer burgemeester van Mogi, en was er een belangrijk zakenman in de transport- en mijnbouwsector.

MIJNBEDRIJF ADOPTEERT DE INITIALEN VAN “BOY” VALDEMAR

In de sector trad Valdemar in de voetsporen van zijn vader door in 1996 VCN Mineração op te richten, vernoemd naar de initialen van de toenmalige plaatsvervanger van de LP. Vandaag de dag maakt hij, nu de voorzitter van de partij van Bolsonaro, geen deel meer uit van de bedrijfsstructuur van VCN, maar Valdemar Costa Neto werd vorig jaar wél in tweede aanleg veroordeeld voor de degradatie van een gebied ter grootte van 28 voetbalvelden door het bedrijf, aan de oevers van de rivier de Tietê, in Biritiba-Mirim, in het binnenland van São Paulo.

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Valdemar da Costa Neto’s partner in een Bolsonarista-act. (Foto: Facebook)

Een jaar voor het overlijden van Valdemar’s vader, op 7 februari 2000, werd het 49 hectare grote landgoed in Itacoatiara (Amazonas) overgedragen aan VCN Mineração. Iets meer dan twee weken later, op 25 februari 2000, verkocht de afgevaardigde 75% van Agropecuária Patauá aan Reflorestadora Holanda, dat sinds ten minste 1998 in het Amazonegebied actief was. 

In die tijd bouwde Eco Brasil een slechte reputatie op, vooral door haar deelname in de illegale houtkaponderneming Eco-Brasil-Holanda-Andirá, geleid door de voormalige honorair consul van Nederland in Pará, Gerardus Bartels. In 1999 werden de activiteiten van de Nederlandse consul tegen het licht gehouden door een parlementaire onderzoekscommissie (CPI) in de Wetgevende Vergadering van de staat Amazonas, op beschuldiging van het omzeilen van de Braziliaanse grondwet door illegaal meer dan 70 duizend hectare bos te verwerven. Daarbij werden ongeveer 300 families die langs de rivier in de regio woonden, gedwongen om het gehele gebied voor houtkap te verkavelen.

De consul ontkende de beschuldigingen, en beweerde het slachtoffer te zijn van een valstrik door Eco Brasil BV. Ervan overtuigd 90% van het hout aan de Nederlandse groep te hebben verkocht, zou de consul hebben ontdekt dat Eco Brasil BV in werkelijkheid delen van het bos overdroeg aan derde partijen. Voor 3.000 dollar per hectare zouden geïnteresseerden een gebied kunnen verwerven waarop Eco Brasil beloofde teak te planten, een Aziatische soort die veel wordt gebruikt voor herbebossing. Vervolgens zou de winst van de beheeractiviteiten worden gedeeld met de investeerders.

Bartels sloeg op de vlucht, en Eco Brasil BV begon een groot deel van de door de voormalige honorair consul bezette hectaren te claimen. In de jaren die volgden, bleek het uitgekiende investeringsvoorstel van Eco Brasil in werkelijkheid een financieel piramidespel te zijn. Een zoektocht naar de geschiedenis van het bedrijf in Nederland leidt naar online forums waar enkele van de gedupeerde families op schadevergoeding en vrijheidsstraffen voor de betrokkenen aandringen. 

NEDERLANDSE JOURNALIST ONDERZOEKT NETWERKEN VAN LANDROOF (GRILAGEM) IN AMAZONAS

Ongeveer 40 miljoen euro werd doorgesluisd naar andere bedrijven, naast uitgaven aan onroerend goed, casino’s, auto’s, reizen, enzovoort. Eco-Brasil BV betaalde de rendementen aan haar investeerders uit de opbrengsten van nieuwe deelnemers in het fonds. De speculatieve waardevermeerdering met de gronden die door consul Gerardus Bartels in beslag werden genomen, was enorm. Eco Brasil creëerde zo een kapitalisatieplan voor de bossen, gericht op de snelle en frauduleuze verrijking van haar bestuurders.

Details van dit verhaal werden beschreven in de voorpublicatie van het boek “Het Woud van Amazonas”, door Gio Ferrarius, een Nederlandse journalist. Een deel van de betrokkenen heeft tevergeefs een kort geding aangespannen bij de Nederlandse rechter om de publicatie van het werk te verbieden. De auteur werkte samen met De Olho nos Ruralistas om de betrokkenheid van Valdemar bij de zaak Eco Brasil BV te onderzoeken.

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Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijvingValdemar Costa Neto, de “Boy”, staat garant voor de campagne van Bolsonaro. (Foto: Alan Rios/Reproductie)

Het onroerend goed van Valdemar Costa Neto in Itacoatiara (Amazonas) maakte deel uit van de portefeuille van het Nederlandse bedrijf, dat Braziliaanse dekmantels gebruikte om in het land te opereren. Eco Brasil had geen vergunning om het project te exploiteren, en was evenmin eigenaar van de meeste eigendommen die het beweerde te bezitten. Volgens de Nederlandse rechtbank vonden de illegale activiteiten van de groep plaats tussen 1999 en 2004, maar vond de overdracht van de eigendommen van VCN Mineração aan Reflorestadora Holanda pas plaats in 2005, het jaar van het “Mensalão” parlementair onderzoek (een groot schandaal rond het kopen van parlementaire stemmen), dat culmineerde in de arrestatie van Costa Neto, momenteel voorzitter van de partij van Bolsonaro.

In 2006 werd in Nederland PJ Quak, een van de leiders van de organisatie, veroordeeld tot zes jaar gevangenisstraf. Door de juridische onrust waarmee haar partners werden geconfronteerd, verwerden Reflorestadora Holanda en Agropecuária Patauá uiteindelijk tot “slapende” bedrijven, waarin onafgewerkte arbeidsrechtszaken en belastingheffingen zich opstapelden. In 2017 werd het 49 hectare grote gebied van Valdemar en zijn partners uiteindelijk verpand aan de Federale Overheid vanwege de enorm opgelopen schulden van Reflorestadora Holanda. 

PARTNER VAN “BOY” VERTEGENWOORDIGT NEDERLANDERS DIE VERDACHT ZIJN VAN INTERNATIONALE ILLEGALE HANDEL

Mede-eigenaar van Reflorestadora Holanda en Braziliaans vertegenwoordiger van Eco Brasil BV Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos, partner van Valdemar Costa Neto, is nog steeds erg actief op sociale media, waar hij dagelijks steunbetuigingen voor Jair Bolsonaro plaatst en regelmatig contact houdt met zijn vrienden in Nederland. In de statuten van Reflorestadora Holanda komen de namen van R.G. van den Heuvel en T. Hoegee voor als partners in het bedrijf.

Beiden werden onderzocht voor internationale drugshandel in de operatie Niva van de federale politie in 2011, toen leden van de georganiseerde misdaad in de Balkanregio, die in samenwerking met PCC (Primeira Comando da Capital) in Brazilië opereerden, werden gearresteerd.  PCC is Brazilië’s grootste criminele organisatie, met 20.000 leden, waarvan er 6.000 in gevangenschap verblijven. Volgens de Federale Politie maakten de betrokkenen deel uit van een “criminele organisatie die zich bezighield met drugshandel van Brazilië naar Europa, inclusief het gebruik van het Amazonegebied als uitgangsroute voor cocaïne”. Geen van de onderzochte Nederlanders is tot heden in Brazilië veroordeeld.

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Productie door één van de bedrijven van Joni Matos Campos. (Foto: Instagram)

Bevraagd door het dagblad Folha vanwege zijn samenwerking met Valdemar in Agropecuária Patauá, beperkte Joni Mota Campos zich ertoe te zeggen dat hij de president van de liberale partij nog nooit had ontmoet. Uit gegevens van het Superior Electoral Court (TSE) blijkt echter dat Joni sinds oktober 2007 bij de PL is aangesloten, het jaar waarin Valdemar voor zijn vijfde termijn als federaal plaatsvervanger werd gekozen, nadat hij in 2005 aftrad vanwege de gevolgen van de “maandelijkse zakgeld-affaire” (het Mensalão-onderzoek). Tegen Folha verklaarde Joni dat de twee bedrijven, Patauá en Reflorestadora Holanda, “alleen ‘in het systeem’ bestaan ​​en dat ze in zijn herinnering sinds 2004 niet meer actief zouden zijn.”

De krant herinnerde Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos ook aan “een openbare civiele procedure van het Federale Openbaar Ministerie in verband met de ontbossing van 23,6 hectare Amazonewoud zonder toestemming”. De partner van het Nederlandse Eco Brasil BV deed die kwestie af als een vergissing. Hij had deze gronden nooit in bezit gehad.

Joni presenteert zichzelf ook als een invloedrijke figuur in de mijnbouw in het Amazonegebied, als coördinator van de “Garimpo é Legal Movement” in de staat Amazonas. De beweging is opgericht door mijnbouwer Rodrigo Cataratas uit de aangrenzende staat Roraima, alweer een kandidaat federaal afgevaardigde voor de PL. In het zuidoosten van Amazonas, in Apuí, vlak bij de grens met Mato Grosso, is Joni partner bij Aliança Mineração, in samenwerking met Agostinho Borges da Silva.

Bij het National Mining Agency (ANM) heeft de partner van Francisco Jonivaldo Mota Campos een actieve aanvraag voor onderzoek naar goud, koper en mangaanerts lopen. Het betreft een gebied van meer dan 9000 hectare in Nova Aripuanã, een naburige gemeente van Apuí, waar het hoofdkantoor van Aliança Mineração gevestigd is. Een rondgang op internet leert dat Agostinho Borges mijnbouwbedrijven exploiteert in Roraima en aan de oevers van de Juma-rivier, in de regio van Apuí en Novo Aripuanã (Amazonas).

De conflictkaart van de Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (Fiocruz) laat zien hoe de regio wordt gekenmerkt door een sterke stroom van goudzoekers die voornamelijk op zoek zijn naar alluviale goudafzettingen die in de plaats in 2006 zijn ontdekt. ​​Apuí is een van de toegangspoorten tot illegale mijnbouw- en houtactiviteiten in het Amazonegebied en – zoals dit observatorium deze maand tijdens een bezoek aan de regio heeft waargenomen – is het een van de gemeenten waar branden zich in het Amazonegebied concentreren.

Tonsk Fialho studeert  rechten aan de UFRJ en onderzoekt vakbonden en sociale bewegingen. |

|| Alceu Luís Castilho is hoofdredacteur van De Olho nos Ruralistas ||

Hoofdafbeelding (Reproductie/YouTube): Valdemar Costa Neto, voorzitter van de PL, heeft bijzondere belangen bij het legaliseren van mijnbouw

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FROM PIG-POO TO FIREWOOD ON AN AIR CYCLE

Afbeelding met muur, binnen Automatisch gegenereerde beschrijving

FROM PIG-POO TO FIREWOOD ON AN AIR CYCLE

Ferrarius; Netherlands, July 2022

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With the ongoing commotion about the nitrogen crisis and the associated farmers’ grief, I was reminded of an issue from the first half of the 1990s. I came across it in my research on the deforestation of the rainforests in the Amazon and West Africa.

At that time there was a manure processing company “Promest”, in Helmond. It processed slurry from pig farms into fertilizer pellets. The idea was to use these granules worldwide as a soil enrichment product for agriculture.

A world market was at their feet. Not only would Promest solve the alarming manure surplus in the Netherlands in one fell swoop, but they would also become very wealthy from the pig poo that we hadn’t known how to get rid off until then. in fact, Promest would have to start importing poo soon, because they could never meet the demand with just that little bit of Dutch poo.

Jubilation arose from all corners of the country. Minister Braks came to grace the presentation of the building plans for the new-fangled industrial gem, together with national environmental cuddle Ed Nijpels, and even Queen Beatrix went to Helmond to admire this example of innovation and pure Dutch commercial spirit. Investors pumped as much as 135 million into the poo converter, and the government plunged an eight million grant into the project.

Jubilation quickly died down when it turned out that the farmers did not want to pay for delivering their poo to the Promest boys. One of those things one overlooks when drawing up a business plan. Shit happens, doesn’t it?

That was a bit of a swallow in the city of the “cat swatters”. No worries, the agile minds from Holland were convinced the enormous export potential would eventually save them. They aimed their arrows at the Middle East, because that’s where there was plenty of money… The entire withered sandbox, scourged by the sun, would be covered with a healthy layer of typical Dutch pig manure pellets, and after that a fresh green oasis would soon emerge. With fields full of waving ears of corn, here and there interrupted by a grain silo on the horizon.

Now the guys from Helmond understood that pig dung was de facto an unsavory business, but that the Arab’s would object for ideological reasons, was not something they’d counted on. They couldn’t smack the poo pellets onto their desert; the oinking curl tails were undoubtedly cheerful and intelligent, but first and foremost also unclean. Another minor misjudgement…

PIG-POO IN THE RAINFOREST

What now? The plan was at risk to turn into fiasco. In the nick of time, an angel from the west appeared. It was the Dutchman Gerardus Bartels, who had lived in Brazil for more than thirty years. He was Honorary Consul for the Netherlands in Belém, the capital of the Brazilian state of Pará.

The consul thought the Helmond pellets would pay; wanted to use them to boost the nutrient-poor soils in the Amazon region. Promest thought it could make about forty million annually there, and in the long run perhaps a multiple of that.

Now “honorary consul”, as the name suggests, is an honorary job. The consul cannot live on that, so Bartels also had other activities; Bartels was a woodcutter… He cut and sawed the rainforest to pieces, and made planks, frames or floorboards from it in his factory in Pará. He thought that, now that it had become his life’s fulfillment to fertilize the cleared rainforest, there had to be enough felling going on to do so. So, Bartels started buying up land.

And he proceeded diligently. In a few years he bought 370,000 hectares of tropical rainforest. For next to nothing, because rural hands are quickly filled in Brazil. After a few years, Bartels was the largest foreign landowner in the entire Brazilian Amazon.Unfortunately, the revelry would not last long… In August 1995, Promest filed for bankruptcy. Its financiers ran out of patience …

In hindsight it was too good to be true. Dutch pigs defecate, Promest makes pellets from it, sends them to Brazil. Bartels then throws it onto what once was rainforest, to grow crops on it. He then exports those back to the Netherlands, where we turn it into animal feed. The pigs eat that, then start pooping like madness again; and so further, and so on. Lo and behold the beauty of circular agriculture…

Just a shame the rainforest is being destroyed in the meantime.

THE RAINFOREST MOVES TO THE DUTCH COUNTRYSIDE

There he was with all those hectares of rainforest… Bartels had placed his land in two Brazilian companies: “Eco Brasil Holanda-Andira Ltda” and “Reflorestadora Ltda”. In desperation, he sold his interest in those to a few Dutch people in the countryside city of Winterswijk.

They founded the company “Eco-Brasil BV” and happily continued to cut down the virgin rainforest in the Amazonas state, because that’s where Bartels had acquired his land. They had devised a new business model: deforesting the rainforest and planting teak trees instead. Those would then yield many millions a year, or so the idea was… The Dutch – through this investment fund – sold Bartels’ rainforest in bite-sized chunks to Dutch private investors. With a nice return of up to one percent per month, and all under the guise of an ecologically responsible investment.

The countrysiders promised to plant a new tree for every teak tree they sawed down. Thus, a miraculous economic perpetuum mobile would arise, which would bring the participants eternal wealth and inner satisfaction.

Now teak trees are not native to the Brazilian rainforest. The species is not endemic to the region. Teak trees originate from South-East Asia. Why on earth would you exchange the Amazon Forest, rich with exotic tree species, for a teak plantation? Would that really benefit biodiversity?

This is where the economic ingenuity of the entrepreneurs from the Netherlands shows. You just sell that forest twice to begin with. Why wait twenty years for those teak trees to be ripe for the relentless sawing machines? Chop that native forest to smithereens, sell the expensive tropical hardwood through trade-channels and just pay part of the first returns to the investors, they must have thought…

However, Consul Bartels had unfortunately “forgotten” to arrange logging permits for his property in Amazonas, his rumbling in the rainforest was completely illegal. When the Dutch then threatened to drive out the Sateré-Mawé Indians who lived there, the state-governor intervened. In a joint action, the Military Police and the Sateré Mawé swept the area in a 10-day roundup. Five logging sites were closed, 250 loggers lost their jobs, and Eco-Brasil’s operations in Amazonas were halted. Bartels ended up on the wanted list of the Brazilian police, ripe for a few years in Graybar hotel.

In the meantime, 1,800 gullible Dutch had invested some fifty million in pieces of plantation near the town of Barreirinha in Amazonas. There was no income; after all, the operation had been shut down. Eco Brasil in the Netherlands survived for a few more years by paying investors returns from the deposits of new dorks who fell for the fund’s fables, but it finally fell over in 2003. The money ran out. That’s how it often ends with ponzi-like schemes…

A LAWYER IN THE GREAT GREEN FOREST

Meanwhile, The directors of the fund  had been leading a luxury life. They bought expensive cars, real estate, and wasted huge sums in casinos. Lawsuits followed, and some of the gentlemen were sentenced in 2008 to fines and custodial sentences of up to six years.

The court appointed receiver sold Eco-Brasil’s assets to yet another Dutch investment fund. The proceeds of the sale went through a shady offshore construction in Curaçao. The new owners paid two million, and that money disappeared through the hands of a few compatriots to God knows where… The trade register of the Antilleans is a hollow vessel. There’s nothing in it; no names of directors, no filings of annual accounts, no articles of association, nothing…

The tropical forest eventually ended up with a Brazilian lawyer due to a collusion between a Dutch timber trader and the director of the Brazilian subsidiary of the new owners. Not a man of impeccable conduct. He was previously banned from office for three years for falsifying “rural property” title certificates. The same lawyer was also previously involved in an affair surrounding illegal bingos in Brazil. The then minister Rafael Greca of “Sports and Tourism”, successor of football legend Pelé, stumbled over that affair.

Another part of the Eco-Brasil property was sold to a Swiss public company, circumventing bankruptcy procedures. That transaction was instigated by the same Dutch people who organized the mysterious two-million-dollar disappearance via Curaçao. At the time, these individuals were listed on Interpol’s international wanted- list for involvement in illegal prostitution, human trafficking and drug smuggling. The deal was worth about $5 million. All in all, seven million into the cash register of God-knows-who…

In Brazil, there is a law that regulates land ownership by foreigners. On this basis, non-residents can only purchase land to a very limited extent. In the case of our diplomat, that was 2,750 hectares. The majority of his alleged properties had therefore been acquired illegally. Not only the felling was illegal, but the property itself was as well!!! How that is possible? Well, it’s astonishingly simple, and at the same time too stupid for words. A group of businessmen pay, and a bunch of officials receive. Corruption and fraud; it’s that simple.

The fight for Bartels’ lands continues. The rights of the area are still subject of legal wrangling. The Dutch are still trying to safeguard their rights, just like the Sateré Mawé. And our Brazilian Bingo lawyer and his buddies? They’re kind of okay with it. The booty is in, and the sawn-to-plank rainforest is howling.

Does this sound like a fantastic tale? An evil fable perhaps? Sadly, it’s the bitter truth.

I researched the activities of the Dutch in the rainforests of Brazil and Liberia. That combination may seem exotic, but they partly involve the same people. The result is astonishing. We, the Dutch, are involved in the exploitation of no less than 1.2 million hectares of virgin rainforest. Eight hundred thousand in the Amazon, and four hundred thousand in Liberia. This makes us a frontrunner in both areas.

It is not that those rights are in the hands of multinationals or even capable, respectable and specialized companies. It may surprise you (or not), but we’re facing freebooters, profiteers, opportunists and rascals of kinds.

WASTEPAPER IN THE APUÍ MOSAIC

There are mind blowing examples. It happened that a Dutch-Liechtenstein group claimed possession of a huge – largely protected – forest area in the south of the state of Amazonas based on a document from 1912. Not that it was clear from that document that they were the owners of those lands, but that is not necessarily a hindrance in Brazil. There are officials who simply allocate a piece of land (in this case 537,000 hectares) based on such an unclear document. That is possession, not ownership. You claim the land, as it were, squat it so to speak. A network of lawyers and civil-law notaries then ensures that these lands can be “sold on”, whether in smaller lots or not. They are then exploited by the new “owners”. That is (usually): cutting down trees, burning down the remains and selling the land on to poor farmers who put their livestock on it. The revenue for these “green entrepreneurs”, as they advertise themselves, runs into the tens of millions. Pure speculation, and illegal…

And what a surprise!!! That’s where our fraudulent Brazilian bingo lawyer comes in again. He is a partner of this club in the land of the yellow canaries. He also represents a notorious cooperative of more than 1,000 farmers in the heavily deforested state of Mato Grosso, just south of Amazonas.

The wood is sold to America or Europe. Estimates vary slightly, but in eighty-five to ninety percent of the cases, the shipments are accompanied by forged documents. It is a well-known practice in the timber-scene, also known as “warming up the wood”. The lumberjacks cut down trees in unlicensed areas, often protected nature reserves, then papers are added from another area with less valuable vegetation, for which a permit does exist.

This is how the precious wood arrives with us, with all the necessary papers and stickers, including the much-desired FSC certificate. And you – as a consumer – think you are buying a politically correct piece of wood. Well forget it; you absolutely cannot rely on it. In most cases your wood is really no good!!

Let me hasten to make it clear that there are exceptions, but a few years ago a large part of the Dutch timber traders was reprimanded. They had no control over the procedures in the supply channels.

ROBBERS IN MONROVIA

I found the same Dutch-Liechtenstein group n Liberia. They acquired concessions to exploit four hundred thousand hectares of rainforest there. A good part of Guus Kouwenhoven’s legacy, so to say…

The award of the contracts was very dubious. The local subsidiary was set up by the chairman of the Liberian lower house, along with an ex-minister, the then chairman of George Weah’s political party and another provincial politician. In the background, however, it was the Dutch – Liechtenstein combination that pulled the strings. Shortly before the concessions were awarded, they took over the shares of the Liberian political bigwigs. Not directly of course, that would be too obvious. An impressive Christmas tree with businesses in tax-friendly places exists inbetween…

The bidding process was very shady, and the decision-making process was subject to controversy. Only one conclusion can be drawn based on the due diligence that was performed under the auspices of (again) a Dutch company at the time: all concessions granted in Liberia are illegal! This does not only apply to timber exploitation, by the way. Whether it concerns diamonds, gold, iron ore, oil or wood (the poverty-stricken country has it all…), almost none of the contracts passes the smell-test. Sometimes proven corruption, very often a suspicion of…

And there’s more to it. The social contracts the Europeans concluded with the local population are hardly complied with, if at all. These contracts provide for the construction of roads to connect villages, the construction of hospitals and schools, training, hand pumps, and so on. Things desperately needed for the reconstruction of the country after two civil wars. Little to nothing of that all came to reality.

Fees are also included in the contracts. For example, the concession holders must pay annual land rental fees, as well as taxes. The Dutch-Liechtenstein combination is behind in the payment of tens of millions. A lot of money for penniless Liberia, which has made little progress economically since the end of the civil war.

Who’s behind that? How evil must those logging companies be? It may seem odd, but it’s not even about logging companies. The Dutch and their companions in Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Brazil and Liberia are ex-bankers, insurers, currency traders and lawyers. The logging companies are just subcontractors.

Some of those gentlemen (because they are all gentlemen) have a history of ponzi schemes, currency scams, pump & dump schedules with stock funds, insider trading and insurance fraud. A fantastic mob to entrust the lungs of the world to…

And we just think that the cause lies with large multinationals, banks and pension funds or our own behavior. The consumer can cut back on meat, can’t they? Those factors certainly play a role. And for those who campaign against that, I would say: “Just keep going, and try your best”. But do you really solve that much that way? And yes, of course, JBS buys cattle from the Amazon, and trees have been cut down for that, Cargill puts in soy to make animal feed from it, and biomass isn’t just made from waste wood.

But how come? JBS — the world’s largest meat producer — really hasn’t cleared the Amazon Forest to raise cows, and Cargill hasn’t flattened the forest single-handedly to plant soy fields. It is not like these companies have a hand in the enormous forest fires that plague us every year in the Amazon region. And it is not like it’s them who exploit the bitterly poor population of Liberia, who fail to fulfill social contracts, who fail to pay the very meager monthly wages, and who only provide food rations when it’s convenient to them…

You can’t blame the rancher for the deforestation either. He was probably poor, in money and opportunity, could buy a piece of land for little. He simply sells his cattle to a trader, who then sells it on to JBS. Likewise, you can’t blame the lumberjacks. Those are just poor slobs who work for a middleman. They earn a meager wage, have no alternative.

The core of the issue is that things go wrong in land sales and the licensing of exploitation rights. Whether it is Brazil or Liberia, that process is the root of all misery… Is the problem substantial? Yes, you can rest assured that the vast majority of illegal logging and forest fires can be traced back to these mechanisms.

There are countless examples. Not just the Dutch, although we’re certainly amongst the key actors in the timber scam…

ENFORCEMENT, AN EXERCISE IN FUTILITY?

But what to do? How to act against systemic corruption? What about procedures and enforcement? Enforcement is complicated. To illustrate, the Mosaic of Apuí in southern Amazonas covers nearly two and a half billion square meters. The municipality in which it is located measures one and a quarter times the surface of the Netherlands, has no more than 22,000 inhabitants. It employs four police officers. Hardly anyone lives in the forest; there are no rangers, no patrols. The area is difficult to access. There are only sand and mud trails. Airborne detection with satellites happens but is by definition too late. Once the forest burns, the damage is already done.

I mentioned the paperwork before. Usually, it’s all on hand. But customs in the importing country checks no more than some two percent of containers that enter the port. And what’s the use of surveillance once 90% of documents are forged??? There’s really not much wrong at first sight…

A problem today is that every link in the chain can hide behind the previous one. Your supplier is hiding behind a distributor, who is hiding behind an importer. The importer points back to a supplier (sawmill or trader in the country of origin), who in turn refers back to the operator, who often works with subcontractors. And in these latter categories false certificates are often used. We rely too much on the document flow. An FSC certificate offers no guarantee whatsoever. Enforcement must take place more locally – in the concession areas. And permanent instead of incident driven.

And that is by no means an impossible task. The state of Amazonas is the largest in all of Brazil and is home to 62% of that country’s tropical rainforest. Nontheless, only a limited number of concessions have been issued out there, and they are well identified.

Just enforce on location, I’d say. The amount of manpower required for this cannot be a problem. The alternative takes much more effort.

A good example is the south of Amazonas, where our Dutch-Liechtenstein heroes indulge their territorial urges. A major enforcement action took place there in 2017. Apui and Humaíta, two towns on the border of the protected “Mosaic of Apui”, were at that time the main hot spots in the country when it came to forest fires. Eight hundred police officers and soldiers were sent there. The situation had grown out of hand, and had to be brought under control: nineteen hundred fires in just one month…

The troops remained active there for about a year, but when the pack had left, the phenomenon just reared its head again… How many officers would it take to set up proper preventive control in those few concession areas? Certainly not eight hundred. The approach is simply not proper!!

And do something about that silly self-regulatory land registration via the “Cadastre Ambiental Rural”. That’s begging for trouble! How do you come to grant everyone the right to claim their own piece of “undeveloped land”? The register is widely abused… The taxation should act as a brake, but the ITR (Imposto sobre a Propriedade Territorial Rural) excludes protected natural areas. So, you don’t have to pay taxes on those. That’s almost like encouraging landgrabbers to claim conservation areas.

In Liberia it’s a different thing. The “chain of custody” is in better order there, but the problem manifests itself in the award of concessions. The international community has tried to do something about this. In recent years, mainly through the implementation of “Voluntary Partner Agreements” by the EU, with a lot of emphasis on tightening up procedures.

However, the problem lies in the persistence of systemic corruption, not so much in the lack of procedures. Corruption can be eradicated if the international community takes the lead, claims more influence in the bidding decision-making process. This is easily possible in a country that is largely dependent on foreign aid. About 500 to 600 million annually now flows into Liberia, half of the country’s annual government spending. The result is nil. The country must be taken by the hand if it is ever to get its act together…

But what about the sovereignty of the state? I understand the argument, but some pragmatism is really desirable. Who pays, decides is a well-known adage in business. That may be like swearing in the church of international diplomacy, but there may be no other way to solve it…

Despite all the good intentions of the international community, the Liberian people are not benefiting from the “revitalization” after the second civil war. The “logging companies” ignore contract conditions en mass. Whether it’s paying taxes and fees or fulfilling social obligations, and that’s a disgrace… If the Liberian people don’t benefit, then what’s the use of destroying their forests??? Where wages stand at a hundred dollars a month, where woodcutters support a family of eight plus their unemployed fellow villagers and their families. Where the wood sector employs no more than some 10,000 workers, a fraction of the working-age population. Where frequently wages aren’t even paid out or severely delayed? Even a half-serious international aid-program would help the country more than that!!!

Drive them out of the country! Hit the reset button! Ensure a bidding process with sufficient (international) supervision. And pre-sort on logging companies that can demonstrate a solid reputation. Because they’re there… They are not many, but they are there. And they are also known.

Today local communities have received 55,000 dollars out of the 17 million that were to benefit the native population from the post-war concession contracts. The result of arrears from concessionaires, and what – above that – subsequently sticked to Monrovian fingers…

And then there’s enforcement in the Netherlands. When Greenpeace objected to a lack of enforcement at the Dutch and Commodities Authority (NVWA) in 2014, a whole series of lawsuits followed, up to the Supreme Court. What was the case? Six Dutch timber importers from the Amazon rainforest could not show sufficient control over the “chain of custody”. Illegal wood was being imported! The NVWA sufficed with a warning, to the dismay of Greenpeace.

The discussion was subsequently drawn up whether or not the NVWA should enforce retroactively.

Initially a judge agrees with Greenpeace, but in a following appeal another judge discards the verdict. The minister is even involved. The – astonishing – conclusion in supreme court is that retroactive enforcement is not always necessary. Once an engaged entity is not a market player anymore, enforcement is not considered useful any longer… Former directors remain unprosecuted.

Well, the gentlemen (because unfortunately, they’re all gentlemen again!) understood that alright. Their businesses exploded, in liquidation or bankruptcy. And the trade? The trade moved abroad. More specifically to Belgium via a tiny company under Dutch management. A subsidiary of a company in Hong Kong; ultimate beneficiaries unknown…

In the meantime, the rainforest is going down the drain… And the Dutch play a large and dubious role in that. So, before you open another barrel full of big words about consumer behavior and industries, you should really lean back and think about this for a moment. What is the core of the problem? And governments…, do something! It is your officials who facilitate the improper use of laws. It is your organization that renounces enforcement, addresses all kinds of rascals with velvet gloves, if anything happens at all! And it’s your laws and rules, change them. Do something!!!

I was sued twice up to now by people who have an interest in the subject-matter. They don’t want me to write about it. Crazy, huh? Fortunately, the judges have been sensible so far… In the upcoming months I will publish more in detail on the deforestation in Amazonas and Liberia, with names and jersey numbers… If you want to know what’s really going on, then keep an eye on my socials…

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LANDGRABBING DUTCHIES OF THE 3D MILLENNIUM

LANDGRABBING DUTCHIES OF THE 3d MILLENNIUM

illegal logs

From 1998 to the present, the Dutch have owned extensive land holdings in Amazonas. Brazil’s largest state is home to much of the region’s tropical rainforest. The claimed land ownership went with land grabs (Portuguese: “Grilagem”), crimes against humanity and illegal logging. Hundreds of thousands of hectares of virgin wilderness fell prey to the ruthless greed of adventurers and creative financiers from the lowlands.

Sao Paulo, 28th of Januari 2001.  A parliamentary commission charged with investigating the occupation of public land in Amazonas state reports on its findings. One chapter is devoted to the role of foreigners in the region.

The Committee concludes that by far the most important foreign landowner in the state is the Dutchman Gerardus Laurentius Joseph Bartels, who – together with Ms Monica Janette Bartels – acquired various plots of land in the region. In total, this concerns a staggering 367,000 hectares. The land is partly registered in the region around the city of “Barreirinha” on the banks of the Andirá River, and is part of Bartels’ company “Eco Brasil Holanda-Andirá Ltda“. The remainder is located near the town of Itacoatiara, and is owned by “Reflorestadora Ltda“, a subsidiary of Eco Brasil.

The committee points out that under Brazilian law Bartels, as a foreigner, may not own more than 2,750 hectares. His land ownership is largely illegal…

At that point in time, Bartels is honorary consul for the Netherlands in Belèm, the capital of the adjacent state of “Para”. In previous years he has taken over the land for pennies on the dollar from indigenous residents and poor farmers in the area.

By then – in 2001 – things had turned bad in the region around Barreirinha for several years. In March 1999, the governor of the state of Amazonas authorized the president of IPAAM to take action against Dutch people who were logging illegally at a 50-minute boat ride from the city of Barreirinha. IPAAM is the state agency that deals with logging licenses and enforcement thereof. The governor – Amazonino Mendez – did so after he received alarming signals from Thiago de Mello, an internationally renowned poet, who lives in Barreirinha; an ex-exile from the military dictatorship that reigned Brazil between 1964 and 1985.

IPAAM chief Vicente Nogueira visited the city, imposed an embargo on all logging activities in the region, and dispatched military police to the scene. They met four Dutchmen, who introduced themselves to him as owners of “Eco Brasil Holanda-Andirá”. On presentation of Nogueira’s enforcement request, the Dutch said they would continue their activities. When they then announced their intent to evict 2,000 indigenous families working in the area from their land, the governor announced that he would deploy military police to enforce the embargo. In the worst case, he would proceed to imprison the Dutch.

The latter did not happen. What did happen however, is that the military police, in a joint action with the

Indigenous “Sateré Mawé” population swept the area in a 10-day operation. 5 logging locations were closed. Environmental inspectors found 3,000 tree trunks submerged in tributaries of the Andira River. An apparent attempt to escape the watchful eye of the environmental inspectors.

250 loggers lost their jobs. They directed their anger at the poet Thiago de Mello; threatened to ambush and kill him. De Mello was placed under protection.

These incidents are the prelude to 20 years of land occupation and illegal deforestation by Dutch residents and Brazilian associates. You can read more about it in The Tocantins Forest.

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LANDROVENDE NEDERLANDERS IN HET 3DE MILLENNIUM

LANDROVENDE NEDERLANDERS IN HET 3DE MILLENNIUM

illegal logs

Vanaf 1998  tot heden hebben Nederlanders omvangrijke grondposities in Amazonas in handen gehad. De grootste provincie van Brazilië herbergt een groot deel van het tropische regenwoud in de regio. Het geclaimde grondbezit ging gepaard met landroof (Portugees: “Grilagem”), misdaden tegen de menselijkheid en illegale houtkap. Vele honderdduizenden hectaren maagdelijke wildernis vielen ten prooi aan de nietsontziende hebzucht van avonturiers en creatieve financiers uit de lage landen.

Sao Paulo, 28 Januari 2001. Een parlementaire commissie belast met onderzoek naar de bezetting van openbare grond in de provincie Amazonas doet verslag van haar bevindingen. Één hoofdstuk is besteed aan de rol van buitenlanders in de regio.

De commissie concludeert dat verreweg de belangrijkste buitenlandse landeigenaar in de staat de Nederlander Gerardus Laurentius Joseph Bartels is, die samen met mevrouw Monica Janette Bartels diverse percelen in de regio heeft verworven. In totaal gaat het om een slordige 367.000 hectaren. De gronden zijn deels geregistreerd in de regio rond de stad “Barreirinha” aan de Andirá rivier, en zijn ondergebracht in Bartels’ bedrijf Eco Brasil Holanda-Andirá Ltda. Een ander deel bevindt zich nabij de stad Itacoatiara, en is eigendom van Reflorestadora Ltda, een dochteronderneming van Eco Brasil.

De commissie wijst erop dat Bartels als buitenlander in de gegeven omstandigheden op basis van de Braziliaanse wet niet meer dan 2.750 hectare in bezit mag hebben. Het grondbezit is illegaal…

Bartels is op dat moment consul honoraire voor Nederland in Belèm, de hoofdstad van de aanpalende provincie “Para”. Hij heeft de gronden in de voorafgaande jaren voor een appel en een ei overgenomen van inheemse bewoners en agrariërs uit de omgeving. 

Er is dan – in 2001 – al enkele jaren het één en ander aan de hand in de regio rond Barreirinha. In maart 1999 machtigt de gouverneur van de staat Amazonas de president van IPAAM op te treden tegen Nederlanders die zich op 50 minuten varen van de stad Barreirinha schuldig maken aan illegale houtkap. IPAAM is het staatsagentschap dat zich bezighoudt met (onder meer) licentiering van en handhaving op houtkaplicenties. De gouverneur – Amazonino Mendez – doet dat nadat hij alarmerende signalen ontving van Thiago de Mello, een internationaal vermaard dichter, die in Barreirinha woont. Hij is een ex-balling van de militaire dictatuur waaronder Brazilië gebukt ging tussen 1964 en 1985.

IPAAM-chef Vicente Nogueira bezoekt de stad, kondigt een embargo af op alle kapactiviteiten in de regio, en zendt de militaire politie naar de plaats des onheils. Zij treffen er vier Nederlanders, die zich aan hem voorstellen als eigenaren van “Eco Brasil Holanda-Andirá”. Op vertoon van het handhavingsverzoek van Nogueira zeggen de Hollanders hun activiteiten gewoon te zullen voortzetten. Als ze vervolgens laten weten 2.000 inheemse families, die in het gebied werken, van hun land te zullen verdrijven kondigt de gouverneur aan dat hij de militaire politie zal inzetten om het embargo af te dwingen. In het uiterste geval zal hij overgaan tot gevangenneming van de Nederlanders.

Dat laatste gebeurt niet. Wat wél gebeurt is dat de militaire politie in een gezamenlijke actie met de Inheemse “Sateré Mawé”- bevolking in een 10 dagen durende operatie het gebied schoonveegt. 5 kaplocaties worden gesloten. Inspecteurs van de milieudienst treffen 3.000 boomstammen ondergedompeld in zijarmen van de Andira rivier aan. Een kennelijke poging om aan het wakend oog van de milieu-inspecteurs te ontsnappen.

250 houthakkers verliezen hun werk. Zij richten hun woede op de dichter Thiago de Mello. Ze dreigen hem in een hinderlaag te lokken en te zullen doden. De Mello wordt onder bescherming gesteld.

Deze incidenten vormen de inleiding tot 20 jaar van landbezetting en illegale ontbossing door Nederlandse ingezetenen en Braziliaanse compagnons. Je leest er meer over in het woud van Tocantins.